Consumer Needs and Wants in Commercialized Society
Order ID 53563633773 Type Essay Writer Level Masters Style APA Sources/References 4 Perfect Number of Pages to Order 5-10 Pages Description/Paper Instructions
Consumer Needs and Wants in Commercialized Society
According to Baudrillard (1998), consumer needs and wants in commercialized society have three features: (1) being unlimited due to a limitless promotion generated by the urban concentration, (2) being ongoing caused by the continuity of social com- petition, and (3) being systematic as the response to the entire cultural system. As a manifestation of consumer needs and wants, sport symbolic consumption for self- expression therefore is a longstanding and systematic process that involves both passive and active components.
At the macro level, mass media and dominant brands code the commonly-shared symbolic meanings of sport activities (e.g. conspicuousness and valence), foster consumer demand for various symbolic meanings, and influence the way individuals consume these sport activities (Baudrillard, 1998; Lee, 1990).
On this basis, the pursuit of self-expression through sport participation is increasingly controlled by the market, which leads to the reliance on market forces to navigate the system of objects. At the micro level, consumers show the initiative to build, maintain, or dissociate their connections with sport activities based on self- characteristics (e.g. genetic predispositions, learning history, personal goals, and inter- ests) and specific social environment (Cialdini et al., 1976; Elliott, 1999; Escalas & Bettman, 2003; Fournier, 1998; Hofmann, Strack, & Deutsch, 2008; Hogg, 1998).
To achieve the desired state, consumers would constantly scan the social environment to identify potential target objects (Grubb & Grathwohl, 1967), strategically and interactively utilize the meanings of these objects (Baudrillard, 1998; Thompson & Loveland, 2015), and continuously self-examine their own consumption practices (Piacentini & Mailer, 2004).
Therefore, sport symbolic consumption for self-expression is not discrete or isolated behavior. Rather, through the initiation, continuation, and advancement of an agenda for individuals to be ‘well’ or ‘healthy’, people are likely to consume an ongoing stream of sport activities and related products to achieve their desired self-images.
Antecedents of sport symbolic consumption
Self-verification tendency People tend to gravitate toward familiar, stable, and predictable things to reduce uncer- tainty and maintain a knowable and reliable social environment (Swann, 1983, 1990).
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Most often, people adopt one of two common self-verification strategies. One is to find opportunities to create a self-confirmatory social environment using signs and symbols, selective interaction, and interpersonal prompts. In the context of sport participation, individuals can confirm their self-image by using the social image of sport activities and interacting with other participants.
The other strategy is to look for more self-confirmatory evidence than actually exists, primarily through intrapersonal channels such as selective attention, selective encoding and retrieval, and selective interoperation (Swann, 1983, 1990).
For instance, people can selectively participate in certain sport activities or selectively construct the meaning of sport participation. Through both of an actual social environment and a subjective intrapersonal mentality, individuals construct social images to confirm their self-concept in everyday life (Lecky, 1945).
Self-enhancement tendency Self-enhancement refers to one’s motivation to increase feelings of personal worth, gain social approval, and maximize positive feedback from others (Epstein, 1983; Escalas & Bettman, 2003; Schlenker, 1980). According to the self-concept enhancement tactician (SCENT) model (Sedikides & Strube, 1997), self-enhancement strategies usually fall on the spectrum between candid and tactical.
Candid self-enhancement refers to overt expressions of self-superiority; in contrast, tactical self-enhancement consists of subtler expressions of self-love, taking into consideration long-term repercussions and situational, social, and societal constraints. Compared with candid self-enhancement, which is likely to lead to negative consequences such as unfavorable impressions, mockery, or social exclusion, tactical self-enhancement is more acceptable and persistent in socialization (Sedikides, Gaertner, & Toguchi, 2003).
Given that various sport activities carry plentiful symbols that are consistent with contemporary social norms, sport participation is likely to be an ideal channel for tactical self-enhancement. For example, in the social context of North America, playing golf can be an option for an up-scale image that elevates one’s social status; boxing can indirectly satisfy one’s desire for an image of toughness; and jogging can provide an image of healthy lifestyle.
Social environment According to the social learning theory (Bandura, 1977, 1989), cognitive development is influenced by social agents who disseminate norms, attitudes, motivations, and beha- viors to the learner (e.g. parents, significant others, peers, and mass media). Specifically, human beliefs, desires, and behavior are developed and modified by social agents through modeling and reinforcement (Bandura, 1977, 1989; Moschis & Churchill, 1978).
The process of modeling requires vicarious learning. This capability allows humans to use deliberate or inadvertent observation, rather than direct involvement or participation, to understand and manage environment stimuli. Through this observational learning and modeling of heightened behavior that is portrayed symbolically through various social agents, individuals garner tremendous multiplicative power for acquiring new knowledge (Bandura, 1989).
Reinforcement refers to the ways in which behavior is either rewarded or punished. External reinforcement primarily comes from social agents, while intrinsic reinforcement occurs through one’s internal value system (e.g. pride, satisfaction, and sense of accomplishment) (Bandura, 1977). Both reinforcement mechanisms guide individuals to learn which self-images are
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acceptable or unacceptable in their social environment, further encouraging or discoura- ging them to acquire such self-images. Mechanisms of both modeling and reinforce- ment underscore the importance of social influences (e.g. media, brands, and value system) in shaping people’s ongoing symbolic consumption and highlight the systematic nature of building and maintaining self-image in daily consumption.
Desired self-images in sport participation
In sport marketing, studies about symbolic consumption have followed one of two primary streams. The first stream is grounded in self-congruity research (Birdwell, 1968; Sirgy, 1982, 1986), primarily examining the match-up effect of consumer self-image and product/brand user-image on purchase behavior. According to these studies, the higher the congruity between consumer self-image and typical user-image of a given product, the greater purchase intention a consumer will have. In the past decade, scholars have examined this theoretical proposition in multiple sport settings.
Using two experimental studies, Kang (2002) assessed the validity of the self-congruity effect in ski participation. Findings showed that when the user-image of skiing matched actual self-image (i.e. the characteristics that someone believes he or she actually possesses) and ideal self-image (i.e. characteristics that someone ideally would like to possess), consumers were likely to have a higher purchase intention.
Kwak and Kang (2009) further examined the effect of self-congruity on the purchase of sport- related products. The results indicated that the match-up between self-image (both actual and ideal) and typical user-image of sport products increased perceived quality and purchase intention. In addition, Sirgy et al. (2008) showed that the congruity between self-image and event image increased consumer loyalty toward brands sponsoring a sport event.
This research stream has illustrated the importance of overall self-image in sport con- sumption; however, existing studies have hardly investigated the specific self-images that consumers pursue through sport participation. For example, the finding that ideal self- event congruity played a significant role in promoting event participation has not helped practitioners understand ‘what area needs improvement and how such improve- ment can be made’ to frame the congruity (Zhang, 2015, p. 4). To capitalize on the match-up effect of symbolic meanings between consumers and products, marketers need first to figure out one party’s symbolic desires and then frame the other party to help build construct fit. Considering the foundational role of consumers in the market- place, the desired self-images of sport participants should be identified first to maximize the positive effect of self-product congruity.
The other research stream has emerged from brand image/personality studies exploring the symbolic meanings of sport products (e.g. events, teams, and athletes). By portraying brands and products as having non-functional human characteristics, marketers can enhance the favorability of brand image (Phau & Lau, 2001), increase levels of trust and loyalty (Fournier, 1998), and provide a basis for product differentiation (Aaker, 1996). Considering these favorable impacts, multiple sport marketing scholars have made attempts to explore the underlying symbols of sport products. Given the various sources of influence and the different valences of sport brand traits (Lee & Cho, 2009), general symbolic scales, such as the brand personality scale of Aaker (1997), do not seam- lessly fit sport settings (Braunstein & Ross, 2010; Heere, 2010; Lee & Cho, 2009; Ross, 2008). Therefore, various symbolic scales for sport products have been developed,
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including sport event personality scales (e.g. Lee & Cho, 2012), sport team personality scales (e.g. Braunstein & Ross, 2010; Heere, 2010; Ross, 2008), and athletic image scales (e.g. Arai et al., 2013; Braunstein & Zhang, 2005; Carlson & Donavan, 2013).
Candidate image, personality, and underlying factor structures in the aforementioned studies have laid a solid foundation for investigating the symbolic meanings of sport brands; however, this research stream has largely overlooked the active role in acquiring symbolic meanings and rarely explored the characteristics that consumers desire.
Consequently, identified characteristics of sport products might not always match what consumers actually seek. For example, an individual may understand the nature of boxing but may not be a fan of the sport. This individual could accurately characterize boxing as having a high level of aggressiveness and physicality but would not seek out those traits for his or her self-image. Even a fan of boxing might not appreciate all of the images associated with boxing. The logic of these examples also applies to other sport-related product categories, such as sport events, athletes, and equipment.
In brief, the strengths and limitations of both research streams discussed above signify the importance of exploring desired self-images in sport participation. A sound measure- ment scale of PDSI would provide marketers with references for determining what sport symbolic meanings are favored by sport participants. This information would be valuable for marketers to increase sport participants’ consumption intention and enhance the effec- tiveness and efficiency of marketing promotions.
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