Libya, NATO Intervention 2011 Case Study
Order ID 53563633773 Type Essay Writer Level Masters Style APA Sources/References 4 Perfect Number of Pages to Order 5-10 Pages Description/Paper Instructions
A. Classification of the conflict and applicable law
1. (Document A, paras [1]-[2], [31], Document B, paras [2]-[4], and 83) How would you classify the conflict in Libya in 2011? Who were the parties to the conflict? Was it an international or a non-international armed conflict? Did the NTCs consent to the military intervention matter for classification?
2. (Document A, paras [1]-[2], Document B, para. [83]) When did France, the United Kingdom and the United States become parties to the conflict? Did their participation internationalize the conflict? Did NATO become a party to the conflict on 31 March 2011? Can an international military alliance such as NATO become a party to a conflict? What was NATO’s role in the conflict?
3. Since NATO is not a party to the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, is it nevertheless bound by IHL? If yes, why? Since NATO members are not all bound by the same IHL instruments, how is it possible to determine which instruments are applicable to NATO? Is NATO only bound by IHL rules applicable to all its members? Or is NATO, as an international organization, only bound by customary IHL?
4. (Document A, paras [19]-[23]) How did Amnesty International classify the conflict? What law, in the opinion of Amnesty, is applicable in this case? Why do you think they concluded this? Do you agree?B. NATO’s airstrikes
5.
a. (Document A, paras [6]-[8], [10], [13], [14], [18], Document B, para. 88) How would you define the notion of ‘military objective’? What conditions need to be fulfilled for something to be considered a military objective? Can a civilian home ever be a legitimate military objective? If, as NATO told the Commission, (Document B, para. 88) the regime was using civilian rather than military structures in support of military action, would this make any civilian house a military objective? Particular houses? Under what circumstances could such houses be attacked? (P I, Arts 51(5)(b), 52(2); CIHL, Rules 8, 14)
b. (Document A, para. [6], Document B, para. 88) How could one find evidence for the fact that a house constituted a military objective eight months after an attack has taken place?
6. Are airstrikes only lawful if there is “zero expectation” of death and injury of civilians? Does the fact that civilian deaths and the destruction of civilian property were caused automatically mean that IHL was violated? What fundamental principles applied to all NATO airstrikes in this situation? (P I, Arts. 48, 51(5)(b), 52, 57; CIHL, Rules 1, 7, 14-21)
7. (Document A, paras [8]-[9])
a. Was the strike in Tripoli on 19 June 2011 lawful under IHL? Does the fact that the home was located in a densely built-up area influence your answer? The time of the attack? What additional information, if any, would you need in order to make a proper assessment of this incident?
b. Is it a violation of IHL if, as NATO claims, “an errant weapon” did indeed cause these casualties? A war crime? Incidental damage? How would you define incidental damage? What obligation could possibly have been violated? (P I, Art. 57; CIHL, Rules 15-21).
8. (Document A, paras [10]-[11])
a. Was the house that had been used for meetings by military officers until August 1 2011 a legitimate military target? On 1 August 2011? 2 August 2011? 4 August 2011? ICIL and Amnesty International reached the conclusion that NATO hit the wrong building. If their conclusions are correct, is such a ‘mistake’ prohibited under IHL? Are there any legal consequences for such an error? What obligation could possibly have been violated? (AP I, Art. 57; CIHL, Rules 15 and 17).
b. According to the information in paragraph [11], the people using the nearby house had fled on the 2 August, leaving the house empty by the time NATO struck. Could NATO have known that the targets were no longer present in that area? Due to the fact that the gate had been left open? What does IHL require NATO to do before an attack in order to make sure that the target is still a lawful one under IHL? (P I, Art. 57; CIHL, Rules 15 and 18).
9. (Document A, paras [12]-[16], Document B, para. 89)
a. Based on the information available, how would you determine whether the first strike launched after 11 pm was legitimate? The second strike that was launched shortly after? Was NATO under any obligations to ensure that information about rescuers at the scene factored into the decision to launch the second strike? (P I, Art. 57; CIHL, Rules 15, 18 and 19).
b. There are discrepancies between the information provided by civilians and the opinions of ICIL and Amnesty International in paragraph [14], and the information provided by NATO in paragraph [15]. Does IHL prohibit attacks in cases of doubt about the nature of the target (P I, Art. 52(3))?
10. (Document A, para. [17]) Does the time and place of the strike in Sirte on 16 September 2011 influence your answer on whether this attack violated IHL? Could the fact that many people had fled the area prior to the attack indicate that NATO had appropriately warned the civilians in the area? Would an attack be lawful if NATO had informed the local civilians prior to the attack with leaflets and radio broadcasts and, despite these warnings, some civilians decided to stay? Would NATO have to make sure that not one civilian was still living in that area for the strike to be lawful? Or is it a civilian’s ‘own fault’ if he or she decides to stay?
11. (Document A, paras [18], [21]-[23]) Was the attack on the house in Sirte on 25 September 2011 lawful under IHL? If the Brigadier-General in al-Gaddafis forces was present? If he was not present? Would NATO have to be 100% sure that he was in the house to launch the strike? If NATO knew that he was present but also knew that several civilians were in the house at the same time, would the attack still be lawful? Do you agree with Amnesty Internationals conclusion that the presence of at least seven civilians in the house at the time of the attack rendered it disproportionate? (P I, Art. 51(5)(b); CIHL, Rule 14).
12. (Document A, paras [3], [22], Document B, paras 84, 122) What precautions did NATO take in Operation Unified Protector? Do you agree that NATO showed a “demonstrable determination to avoid civilian casualties”? Are NATOs efforts to be judged by reference to the Operation as a whole, or are evaluations to be made on a case-by-case basis? (P I, Art. 57; CIHL, Rule 15)(Document A, paras [8]-[9])C. Investigation of possible breaches
13. (Document A, paras [24] [26]) Is NATO under obligation to provide information about any investigation proceedings to families of those killed in airstrikes? Must the results of those investigations be disclosed publicly? Must the victims be informed of the results? What aims would such public disclosure fulfil? If IHL does not prescribe such an obligation of transparency, on what could it be based? Is NATO obliged to provide reparation to victims of airstrikes and their families? (GC I, Art. 49; GC II, Art. 50, GC III, Art. 129, GC IV, Art. 146; AP I, Art. 85, 91; CIHL, Rule 150)
14. (Document A, paras. [27], [30]) Amnesty International suggests that NATO should investigate the conduct of its own forces – do you agree? Is there a legal basis for concluding that this should be so? Who should be responsible for conducting such investigations? Individual Member States who took part in the operation? All NATO Member States? The NTC, as suggested in para. [30]? (GC I, Art. 49, 50; GC II, Arts 50, 51; CIHL, Rule 158)
15. (Document A, para. [29]) Amnesty International states that “wherever sufficient admissible evidence of any violations of IHL is found, those responsible should be brought to justice”. Who would you consider responsible? The individual soldiers carrying out the attacks? The commanders planning them?D. Miscellaneous
16. (Document A, para. [19]) Can a civilian life really be weighed against an important military advantage? Is this a question of IHL? If we consider that IHL’s “central purpose is to limit, to the extent feasible, human suffering in times of armed conflict” is IHL merely a means of containing damage?
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